Halakhic Community, Freedom & the Limits of Jewish Law (David Hartman, z”l)

david hartman

David Hartman was one of the first living Jewish philosophers I encountered in seminar my first year of graduate school in 1988. Raised a proud am-haaretz, A Living Covenant was my second introduction to a liberal form of modern orthodox thought. I came to him a short while after Eliezer Berkovitz. What always drew me to these liberal orthodox thinkers was what I once thought to be the seamless combination of (legal) form and (intellectual) freedom. I have more doubts today about how seamless a synthesis this really is. As orthodox Judaism moves further and further to the right, I think now that the liberals did the best they could. Sadly, I like very much Bernard Avishai’s critical reflections on Hartman that appeared in Open Zion.

Avishai’s piece is very touching tribute that locates Hartman’s thought and the phenomena represented by him in a particular time and set of places, namely the emergence of modern orthodoxy in North America and Israel in the late 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s. As a young man on his way out of orthodox Judaism into something more free and secular, Avishai was once very much under Hartman’s influence, about which he writes:

I suppose I would not have been quite so bold in my doubts had I not experienced the Israeli moshav and its cultural Zionism before taking Hartman’s hook. What I saw and felt in Israel in 1967 kept me from swallowing it. I found what he had to say about preserving Jewish civilization in all of its nuances and colors hard to resist. But wasn’t that the real purpose of Israel, which would provide its children the tools to turn all the materials of this civilization into their own poetry? Why organize around Orthodox law, why “halachic community,” if you could have a Jewish national home?  Yehuda Amichai was no less grounded in those materials than Hartman, but his sense of freedom in those materials seemed more natural, less forced. For that matter, so was Saul Bellow’s. 

What I like about these remarks is the way by which Avishai understands how the synthesis of form and freedom was performance, never really seamless. In the end, Avishai helps one understand that the entire project attempted by Hartman ultimately vulnerable  to foundering on too fixed a model of halakhic community in relation to the more loose, cosmopolitan forms of civilization outside its frame. The relation between form and freedom needs to be re-thought, and then re-thought again and then again and again. (A point made by Buber in his Pathways in Utopia).

I’m beginning to think that Hartman and liberal orthodoxy went only half way. In the United States, we can fudge this in ways that you cannot in Israel. About this, A.B. Yehoshua was right so many years ago. The lines require constant attention and re-distribution. It’s too easy to drop the ball, especially when you set up an institute based on your name. Hartman’s is a precious legacy, buffeted by the exigencies of politics and place and ravages of time.

Posted in uncategorized | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

5 Broken Cameras (Emad Burnat) (Spoiler Alert)

5 broken cameras 

About the two new political films about the Occupation coming out of Israel, both of which were nominated at for an Oscar, the lion’s share of attention has gone to the Gatekeepers, less to 5 Broken Cameras by Emad Burnat with Guy Davidi. It could be that the latter is not as revealing as the former, which works at the macro-political level of security elites and decision-makers, whereas 5 Broken Cameras, now streaming at Netflix, presents its view from the ground up.

5 Broken Cameras only appears to be a straightforward narrative documentary of the demonstrations at the village of Bil’in in the West Bank in the mid to late 2000s against the routing of the separation barrier built by Israel through village lands and the taking of village lands to expand the nearby settlement of Modi’in I’lit. The title refers to the five cameras belonging to the filmmaker that were destroyed in the course of confrontations with soldiers during the filming of this material. Indeed, “the camera” is perhaps one of the most important components or even characters of the film. Moving through contested space, it is referred to at least once, if not twice in the film as having been “shot.” Critics of the film might complain, but to the camera, which is a technical apparatus, context doesn’t matter. Structurally, its perspective is more limited to a particular slice.

Without providing any historical context that might help “explain” why the separation wall and fencing was built in the first place in relation to “the situation” as a whole, 5 Broken Cameras gives you, instead, a glimpse at the micro-level of daily life in the West Bank under Israeli occupation. Israel advocates can complain about this as much as they want, but it’s really beside the point.

A.O. Scott in the NYT  called the film a “visual essay in autobiography and, as such, a modest, rigorous and moving work of art.” About this one need not be so sure. Visually, the film is mostly uninteresting. Idealized images of the land, and the image of the filmmaker’s young child as a symbol of the lost innocence of Palestine are flat and even clichéd. The most powerful single visual images are those of the still glowing white-hot cinder of burnt out olive trees destroyed by settlers. Far more interesting is the narrative structure built into the film, and the story of life in Bil’in as told by the filmmaker, a native son.

While the film is roughly organized according to the life span of each of the five broken cameras, it is easy enough to identify the conventional narrative structure composed of three segments.

[1] In the first half or so of the movie, everything is more or less “normal.” There is a pronounced ordinariness to the demonstrators and also to the soldiers they confront on a weekly basis. A clear choreography determines the interactions between the demonstrators and army. There is some not so-friendly banter, but the interactions are human in ways that are both tense and relaxed. Each confrontation concludes with a handful of tear gas grenades, lots of pushing, hitting. The rules of the game are understood, and the atmosphere is carnivalesque.

[2] The wheels start to come off an hour into the film. There are reports of more demonstrations across the WB modeled on Bil’in, of soldiers getting tense. Then things kilter out of control after the first killing at the nearby(?) village of Nil’in. Everything is now much more violent. No information is provided to account for the sequence of events leading up to the fatalities at these demonstrations. To the camera, it doesn’t matter. The soldiers are now faceless and more violent, filmed from a much safer distance. There’s lots and lots of tear gas, and live ammunition fire, reports of kids getting killed, and then the killing of Baseem Abu-Rahma (Phil or Pheel), one of the organizers of the demonstrations and a major presence in the filmmaker’s circle of close friends.

[3] In the last segment of the film, the wall is pushed back some ways from its original site under order from the Israeli Supreme Court. It’s a small and sad victory. The scars on the land remain. Burnat goes to Tel Aviv for final procedures to take care of a deep scar gashed down his torso that he suffered in a very serious car crash at the site of the barrier. In the final scene of the last segment, two of Burnat’s children who accompanied him to the hospital play in the sea. There are no longer any Israelis. The soldiers no longer inhabit the frame; even the doctors and staff filmed at the hospital are faceless; and there’s no one, not a single Israeli at the beach filmed somewhere between Yaffo and Tel Aviv. The ungenerous closing shot presents happy children with ominous melodies played in the background by an oud. The last words of the film speak to healing, to presenting the act of filming as a type of healing with only a tenuous sense of only a provisional closure.

For those who want or need it, I found helpful this information from the Betzelem website, especially as it parses the question of the non-violent nature of the demonstrations:

Bil’in is a symbol of the popular protest against the Separation Barrier. The weekly Friday demonstrations in Bil’in began in February 2005. At the same time, the villagers petitioned Israel’s High Court of Justice, filing their objections to the proposed route of the barrier, which would leave about fifty percent of the village lands west of the barrier. The route of the barrier was designed to facilitate the future expansion of East Matityahu, a neighborhood in the settlement of Modi’in Illit, despite the topographic inferiority of the route and in contraindication to security considerations. On 4 September 2007, the High Court of Justice accepted the position of the village’s residents, declaring that the route does not satisfy the standards of proportionality. The court instructed the state to consider an alternate, less injurious route. Despite this court ruling and another ruling handed down on 15 December 2008 that declared that the alternate route proposed by the state did not comply with the criteria set by the court, a long delay ensued in moving the barrier. Work began only in June 2011. The demonstrations in Bil’in have not ceased despite the adjusted route because it still leaves 1,500 dunams [150 hectares] of village lands west of the barrier. The Israeli military classifies the demonstrations in Bil’in violent disturbances of the peace, whereas the residents say the demonstrations are an unarmed, popular protest. Protesters taking part in the actual demonstrations are usually not violent. However, youths often throw stones near the demonstrations. On 17 April 2009, Bassem Abu Rahma, 30, was killed during a demonstration against the Separation Barrier in Bil’in. He was hit in the chest by an extended-range tear gas canister.

As a film, Burnat’s “documentation” is less antiseptic. What you get from the film, I think, is not so much historical or macro-political information. What you get, in addition to the  story, is visual information scaled much more modestly. This is what the Occupation looks like from a Palestinian perspective –the human face of villagers and soldiers, fathers and sons, almost never wives and daughters, and when things go off kilter, faceless soldiers filmed from a distance and demonstrators shot from a distance, and children being arrested; some blood, some death and a lot of soil all amid a shabby, painstakingly worked, rocky landscape and built structures, chief among them being the village, the barrier fencing, and dusty construction sites at ugly settlement blocs that are alien to their immediate environment. This is what occupied Palestine looks like at the bottom, and this is what Israel looks like viewed from the underside up. The film tries to put up the heroic face of resistance. I’m not sure, but was that the point behind the film, to mobilize solidarity? By the end of the film, everyone looks simply exhausted and drained out; the whole mood remains unhappy, its misery barely contained for the meantime.

Posted in uncategorized | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

Organic & Non-Organic Elements (Morningside Park) (New York)

029 030 031 032

 

Posted in uncategorized | Tagged | Leave a comment

Historical FiCtion at the Movies (Profits & Catharsis)

producers

Art reflects its own domain, but has a duty not to make things up, at least not out of whole cloth, like this idea, which seems not to be true, that “enhanced interrogation techniques” helped bag Osama bin Laden.

A spoof is one thing, something like The Producers or Blazing Saddles by Mel Brooks or anything by Quentin Tarantino, whom this blogger just happens to despise, or something just plain weird and over the top like Fellini’s Satyricon. Watching Cleopatra, who didn’t know that the movie was “really” about Liz and Richard going at it? But about this recent crop of movies, ones like Zero Dark Thirty or Argo, the ones that pretend to be journalistic, the ones that claim to be true to some historical “reality,” I have nothing to say except these except that I avoid them like the plague.

For me this aversion to historical fiction at the movies began with Life is Beautiful, a film so false to the core of its conceit that to dress it up as art would only be to aggravate the problem. I certainly don’t believe one can ever re-represent history as it really was and to do so without distortion; but it’s always worth the effort to give it a try.

While every representation is subject to distortion, the most reliable distortions are those that are self-aware an self-critical, whose aesthetic decisions are not as determined  by huge sums of money and calculated profit margins.

(That, by the way, might distinguish The Producers from Inglorious Basterds –the size of the profit margin, the surrounding market environment. A 1968 release, The Producers was so near the event it spoofed, that it cut close to the bone. The fact is that The Producers was genuinely schlocky and subversive in ways that Inglorious Basterds or Argo or Zero Dark Thirty are  preternaturally conformist to the forms of intense catharsis that drives a media landscape their creators now “know” down to a tee.)

About the convergence of history and blatant lying, see these two articles from the NYT:

http://www.nytimes.com/2013/02/24/opinion/sunday/torture-lies-and-hollywood.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

http://www.nytimes.com/2013/02/23/movies/awardsseason/the-history-in-lincoln-argo-and-zero-dark-thirty.html?pagewanted=all

The takeaway according to Manohla Dargis and A.O. Scott is that, “[I]nvention remains one of the prerogatives of art and it is, after all, the job of writers, directors and actors to invent counterfeit realities. It is unfair to blame filmmakers if we sometimes confuse the real world with its representations. The truth is that we love movies partly because of their lies, beautiful and not. It’s journalists and politicians who owe us the truth.”  But a counterfeit reality is intended by its producers to take up a position in relation to reality, unlike Monopoly Money, which reflects only the rules of a game’s own invention. The more complex approach is the one taken by Jacques Rancière; it combines the spell of beautiful appearances with sordid truth (The Emancipated Spectator, pp.83-4).

It’s a question of motivations and intended effect. After Mel Brooks, my general rule is to only go to historical re-enactments that make you feel uncomfortable or rotten-bad at the end of the film, not ones that are intended to line someone’s pocket with an inordinate amount of money by making you feel better, happier, purged, or edified. It’s manipulative enough when religion makes you do this. It’s quite another at the movies. I’d rather see a movie that doesn’t ask me to feel anything.

Posted in uncategorized | Tagged , , | Leave a comment

Art and Politics (Perception Not Redemption) (Vik Muniz, Waste Land)

Vik-Muniz_1Vik-Muniz_3Vik-Muniz 2

(Vik Muniz, from the series Pictures of Garbage, 2008)

Bogged down by the powerful sentiment that dominates it, Waste Land, which I saw the other night on Netflix, is two things. It’s a film about art and it’s a film about the lives of people who work sorting out recyclable goods at Jardim Gramacho, what was once the largest open-air dump and landfill in Rio de Jinero. What stands out in Waste Land is just how ordinary the people are whose lives are caught up by the brutal realities of poverty and circumstance determined by unequal social structures. The film tells their story and the story of Brazilian born, New York based photographer Vik Muniz who employed a group of workers from the site to participate in his series, the  badly named Pictures of Garbage, both as subjects and as co-creators.

Born in the slums of Sao Paolo, Muniz is by now famous for making photographic send-ups of masterpieces in the western art tradition. He photographs these works and then overlays the image with common materials, with sugar, or dust, or syrup, which he then goes on to re-shoot to complete the final image. In this case, his “sitters” re-enact classic art scenes, the image of which was then projected on a large studio floor. The artist, his crew, and the co-creators proceed painstakingly to frame and to overlay these images with recycled goods (not garbage) salvaged by the participants from the dump. Everyone involved in the project was paid for time and labor and received shares from the final proceeds of the sales.

The formal point made by Muniz in the film has to do with perception and with images, with how images are hybrid combinations composed of a material base and a more immaterial idea. In the film, he explains how he starts with the material and only then “goes after” the image; which is an interesting figure of speech. Also in the film, Muniz explains how the closer you look into the image, the more the image disappears into material, while moving back allows the image-idea to emerge. He calls the “magical” moment of that passage from material into image “the most beautiful.” (Muniz talks about this around minutes 7:00 and 55:43 of the film.)

The exploitation of people is a problem raised by this film. It is a problem that is always going to be the problem with political art. About art and political transformation, the film is very much aware of the uncomfortable fact that a famous artist “saves” a small group of participants from hard toil, only to return them to that life after the completion of the project. Of course it’s not that simple, because in the end, the lives of the participants do seem, in fact, to have changed for the better. Some of the participants use the money to move on, to build a nicer home, to set up a small business, to stabilize their personal lives; and some decide to stay at Jardim Gramacho because of close ties to friends and fellow-workers. Say what you want about the exploitation of people by a blue-chip artist, but at the end of the day, it was a job, just a job, no more and no less, and a pretty good one for which participants were paid; on top of that, Muniz seeded a lot of money, about a quarter of a million dollars, from the proceeds of the sales back to grassroots, non-profit community organizations.

The idea behind this film is perhaps too big. It speaks to that aspect of perception, how a different point of view or changed perspective by which political actors can create new possibilities. It’s not that Muniz saved anyone; art is not redemption.. When first filmed working at the site, all of the workers stand out as ordinary people forced by circumstance to work an awful job at an awful place at the bottom of the social heap. The opportunity afforded by this project merely opens up for a select group another set of possibilities, which are realized more or less.

My first response was to find this all incredibly moving, but that first response needs to be checked, which I don’t think the film manages to do. But what more can one say, and what more can one do? Apart from registering affect whose long term effects are impossible to gauge, the immediate and practical change that art can effect is piecemeal, not systemic. The rich eat the poor who pick through their trash. From these material conditions art can only step back in order to form this or that image. What remains then is the art. Aesthetically, can it stand on its own according to the formal values that define art as art? Politically, does it jibe with inequality and injustice that mark our lived human environments? Ethically, can it speak to the beauty of a human person or to the dignity of labor, and the value of a human life? I’m not sure that political art can do much more than this. Certainly that is the most that bourgeois political art can do.

http://www.nytimes.com/2010/10/24/arts/design/24muniz.html?pagewanted=1&_r=0

 

Posted in uncategorized | Tagged , , , , , | 1 Comment

Ahasuerus = God (Book of Esther)

ahashverus

So many people think that Purim story represents that point in time and place where God hides His [sic] face, decamps from the historical scene. But there He is, hiding in plain sight. God is Ahashuerus, the bumbling King, the capricious King. I have this on good authority. According to the rabbis in the  commentary Esther Rabbah 1, “Whenever in this book we find expression ‘to the king Ahasuerus,’ the text speaks of the actual king Ahasuerus; whenever we find just ‘to the king,’ it may be either sacred or profane.” In Esther Rabbah 3:15, the anger of King Ahasuerus is compared to the wrath of God, and in 10:1, a sleeping God is compared to the restless Ahasuerus. “Is God then subject to sleep?” the rabbis ask. “It can happen,” they know. Forget the difference between Mordechai the hero and Haman the villain. It’s the difference between this king and that King that makes the book of Esther such a theological grotesque. Somehow, we all bumble through…without a messiah!

Posted in uncategorized | Tagged , , | 2 Comments

Shushan (Purim)

susa_aerial

(http://www.iranchamber.com/history/susa/susa.php)

…once upon a time, a long time ago, in Sushan the capital…

 

 

Posted in uncategorized | Tagged , , | Leave a comment

Posted in uncategorized | Leave a comment

Purim — Massacre Mayhem Forgetting (Response to Shaul Magid)

purim

In Open Zion, Shaul Magid addresses the morality of Purim, a drunken revel commemorating the failure of a Persian satrap in his plot to annihilate the Jews. According to the book of Esther, Haman’s scheme is underdone by the canny wiles of Queen Esther and Mordechai, her guardian, and then by the decision of the Jews of the empire to stand up to defend their lives. It’s a story of masks and mayhem, massacre and counter-massacre, whose primary obligations are to listen to the telling of the story, and, according to the dictum of Rava, a Babylonian sage, to drink until one no longer grasps the difference between Mordechai , the hero, and Haman, the villain.

The holiday takes on a terrible poignance, coupled as it is with a genocidal imperative, the commandment to “blot out the memory” of “Amalek,” the ancestral enemy of the biblical Israelites. A floating signifier, Amalek turns into “the Arab enemy” in rightwing religious Zionism. But that only means that rightwing religious Zionists and their fellow travelers in the United Sates never really internalized Rava’s dictum. How do you blot out the memory of Amalek? Not by re-establishing the name of Amalek in each and every generation, from Hitler to Arafat and then over to Ahmadinejad, as a  single, undifferentiated, eternal, mental monument to the pathetic spectacle that is Jewish history. It’s a category mistake. Ritual is never real, and God help us all when someone gets the opposite idea.

Retelling a Hasidic tale, Shaul’s salutary attempt to redeem the Amalek sting is to make friends with “the enemy,” to go to “the mosque.” Martin Buber made a similar argument in his 1919 essay “Herut” about turning Agag-Amalek into a friend at the end of days. A pipedream perhaps.

In the meantime, what is a liberal-minded person to do, namely those liberal Jews who do, in fact, take the holiday with even a modicum of the  seriousness it deserves? Speaking for myself, all I can recommend is to sit back in the synagogue, share a little scotch and bourbon, sort of listen to the story, and contribute a little to the simulated mayhem on the floor of the synagogue. If ritual is never real, then, ideally, Purim should be too raucous to even remember what the holiday is even about.

Posted in uncategorized | Tagged , , , | 2 Comments

“Stoned, naked, armed and dangerous more disturbing images from an Israeli soldier’s Instagram” — Take 2 (with commentary)

osher_naked_gun_in_crotch

My first response to these Instagram photos was the shock and disgust which was the intended effect I was supposed to feel as pre-scripted by the good people over at Electronic Intifadah. I really didn’t have much to say, so I just posted it. What was there really to say? “Here’s the moral face of the Occupation,” “the truth of Zionism,” etc. etc. True, but not deep, such statements only go so far. One could guss it up with theoretical constructs like “precarity,” “bare life,” “states of exception,” and “homo sacer,” with constructs that are just a tad bit overblown in relation to the evidentiary points at hand. So I said nothing, having nothing to say, only wanting to share the pictures.

In the first posting, I shied away from showing the picture of the semi naked soldier. So I posted a picture posted at Instagram of a remote control joystick-like device, which included a stupid inscription about God and the power to choose life and death. But that picture didn’t really jibe with the blog title, “Naked, Armed, and Dangerous” which I lifted from Electronic Intifadah. Commenting here at JPP, my brother Palmsundae suggested that the semi naked pictures were in fact better pictures. He thought that “Seeing the wasted and armed soldier, in his Instagram pix, humanizes the debacle which is a 65 year old war with no end.” This observation makes sense of the skinny hairy legs and black socks, the soldier’s privates covered by his gun, and the stupid expression. Because my brother is subtle, what he could possibly have meant by “humanizing” this “debacle” are many all at once, including a low-grade and distinctly trashy kind of homoerotic hotness.

The problem I see in the more easy first initial response is the tendency towards hyperventilation. This tends to be the affect that goes along with what Susan Sontag, in her “Notes on Camp,” called “Jewish moral seriousness.” Perhaps indeed, what these Instragram pictures call for is a little “homosexual irony,” a little “camp,” identified by Sontag in the same essay as the second leg of the modern tradition. Because if all you can see is through the prism of “moral seriousness,” well, you end up stuck in the first initial register.

I asked an ex-student and friend about these pictures. “AJ” is a young’ish U.S. Army vet, and I figured he’d be familiar with this type of soldier stuff. In my stupid first innocence, I wanted to know if he thought the pictures were more sinister than banal or more banal than sinister. Without missing a beat, he replied “so banal, those images could be military baseball cards.”

So there you go. It’s not even Hannah Arendt and “the banality of evil,” because here “the bad-ass” behavior is only simulated and then performed in public as some odd display of Jewish masculinity. Another example of the modern Jewish schlemiel, as my friend Matthew Menachem Feuer, the Schlemiel Theorist, will understand better than I, the only difference being that this one is, in fact, armed, disturbed, and, indeed, most likely dangerous, the figure of a profound political and moral failure of a country to secure its place in an unstable environment.

I would like to hope that a higher level political cynicism looks beyond the first immediate effects of moral repugnance and ethical outrage. After the first impression of vicious cruelty fades into the mental background, what stands out is an individual social actor’s “over-inflated sense of self worth, compounded by a low level of intellegence, behaving ridiculously in front of colleagues with no sense of how moronic he appears.” This is an online definition of “douchebag.” He is the part that now, in the age of new media, stands in for the whole: the command under which he serves, the Golani Brigade of the IDF, his adopted homeland, Israel, and the land of his birth, the United States, in this case, the state of Florida, even better.

As explained to me by AJ, “There are several of him in every Army unit I have ever been in. One of my friends used to do cocaine on the top of the artillery cannon and then shoot rounds.” I think that pretty much sums it up. I’m just not quite clear what it all adds up to. This is Golani, this is the Occupation, this is the State of Israel in the age of Benjamin Netanyahu, Avigdor Lieberman, and Naftali Bennet: a jerk from Florida with a gun.

For the full story and many more images go to: http://electronicintifada.net/blogs/ali-abunimah/stoned-naked-armed-and-dangerous-more-disturbing-images-israeli-soldiers

Posted in uncategorized | Tagged , , , , , | 3 Comments